The initial exposure of these native Colombians to mass communication was educational in nature, but cultural changes in their society occurred as a result of this educational exposure. Their frequent exposure to educational radio broadcasts not only taught them to read and write, but also surely led to a more homogenous community of farmers. Formerly isolated, they now shared the experience of educational radio with their distant neighbors up to seven hundred miles away. Imagine the changes in communication technology taking place overnight in that jungle. The incorporation of new farming methods was bound to lead to a rudimentary form of mainstreaming as the newer methods became commonplace, supplanting the old methods through diffusion of innovation, facilitated by educational radio broadcasts. While this sharing of community information was accomplished using radio, and not television, this very early example of mass communication in a developing country leading to increased literacy and new agricultural methods becoming the norm tends to support Gerbner’s later work without reference. These farmers were being pulled headlong into the mainstream of western 20th century life by Fr. Salcedo’s educational radio system.
The introduction of educational radio to the pristine
Colombian culture in 1947 shows how mass communication can be introduced
into traditional cultures. This example also shows the profound effects
of mass communication on a pristine society. Literacy was increased dramatically.
Farming methods were certainly made more modern. We must pause to ask:
Was this beneficial to Colombian development?
It cannot be shown that this modernization of Colombia
was good for all the people affected. We are well aware of the growth of
the illicit drug trade in Colombia in the 1960s and 1970s. Whether the
literacy work of Fr. Salcedo accelerated this change cannot be decided
in retrospect, but it can surely be stated that without literacy and increased
contact with the outside world, the drug trade would not have been possible.
We can’t blame Fr. Salcedo for the drug trade, but the traditional culture
that he helped to move into the technologically developed 20th century
eventually found a frightening 20th century niche in drugs.
Changes have consequences. One of the consequences of literacy and contact with the bigger world is contact with the negative aspects of society like drug trading in Colombia. This is one argument for avoiding new technologies in less developed cultures. While total ignorance is not our goal, the judicious introduction of mass media is certainly better than wholesale incorporation of the most modern technologies into the most traditional societies.
Some might argue that the pristine Colombian culture would have been better left entirely alone, but this does not appear to be a practical argument. The cultural progress associated with written language use and literacy has become so common in the world as to be viewed by most as unrelenting, inevitable, and beneficial. The recent development of a written language for the Hmong people, contemporaneous with their emigration to the United States and other foreign lands, is perhaps the latest example of the cultural progress associated with literacy. Mass communication certainly plays a part in these changes, but mass communication must be used wisely and judiciously in rapidly developing areas to avoid losing important cultures in misguided sacrifices to economic or technological progress. Literacy is a laudable goal, but literacy must not be allowed to lead to the extinction of traditional cultures lest we loose our historical diversity in the process.
It may be more difficult to observe similar results in other contexts with more disparate cultures involved. Pingree and Hawkins acknowledge the difficulty of transferring this result to more disparate cultures when they remark that “it appears that Australian children take little notice of such things as U.S. accents and locations, accepting them as television conventions. Whether this would extend to cultures that differ from the U.S. more than does Australia is another question” (Pingree and Hawkins, 1981, p. 104).
If viewers of imported media in developing contexts are affected like the children in the Pigree and Hawkins study, they are gravely at risk of losing their traditional culture to the culture portrayed in the imported media. This superimposition of a foreign culture upon a developing culture can result in forms of cultural imperialism and media facilitated hegemony. A developing country’s traditional culture might be overtaken by imported media themes unless precautions are taken.
This flow from prosperous America to less prosperous developing countries is consistent with the “free flow paradigm” discussed by Schement, Gonzalez, Lum, and Valencia (1984). They explain the free flow paradigm as being “the result of market forces” (p. 165). They believe that the free flow paradigm has gained some favor “because it demonstrates a freedom of exchange of ideas (which is thought to be necessary to guarantee the continued functioning of democratic institutions)” (p. 165). This free flow of information has been supported by the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) that “stresses the ‘free flow of information within countries and across frontiers’; such flow across borders is considered to be of greater importance than the right of nations to bar this movement of media products across their borders” (p. 165).
This declaration was largely the work of U.S. interests, and demonstrates the undue influence exerted by the U.S. on UNESCO policies (see later references to Hardt). The free flow paradigm supported the continuing and growing dominance of American television in the world market. “The superabundance of United States television programs in most Third World television systems seemed to argue against a simple marketplace interpretation” (p. 168). These policies were more apt to develop a world market for U.S. television programming than to help developing countries. These policies were apt to cause rising frustrations brought about by seeing life in America as an ideal, never to be realized at home.
Existing flows of television programs were criticized as constituting cultural domination, and therefore a threat to national sovereignty” (p. 169). If cultivation effects played a part in continued American dominance, they acted to exacerbate the effects of American hegemony. Resistance to a continued free flow of programming from America to developing countries might halt these cultivation effects. Developing countries might effectively avoid American hegemony by limiting foreign media. This type of regulation is commonplace in many countries acting to preserve their own culture and avoid cultural media imperialism.
Cultural imperialism is broadly defined as “‘a verifiable process of social influence by which a nation imposes on other countries its set of beliefs, values, knowledge and behavioral norms as well as its overall style of life’ (Beltran, 1078b, p. 184)” (Salwen, 1991, p.29). Ayish remarked in 1990 that: “In international communication, absence of Third World access to Western-controlled media channels or lack of it has transformed developing countries into mere recipients of alien messages” (p. 175). Developing countries reduced to merely a recipient mode are almost certainly the victims of cultural media imperialism. “Media effects researchers working in the behavioral or social scientific tradition frequently view cultural imperialism as a subject for ideological debate rather than scientific inquiry” (Salwen, 1991, p. 29). The lack of aggressive scientific inquiry may be due to intellectual bias toward the U.S. media. Hanno Hardt writes in 1988:
Hardt describes the work of others:
Hardt also describes work of the United Nations as being influenced by “U.S. domination of UNESCO and its Department of Mass Communication . . . ” (p. 137). This domination is perpetuated by the U.S. bias toward a “free flow of information.” Their bias makes them unwilling to restrict communication imports into foreign markets for the purpose of eliminating cultural imperialism. In addition this bias extends to research findings, tending to promulgate research findings that ignore or minimize the effects of mass media imperialism. Cultivation effects analysis in developing countries might be one way to honestly assess the situation in developing areas today. The lack of scientific inquiry could be remedied through cultivation analysis research. While the rhetoric regarding cultural imperialism rages, cultivation analysis could help to provide data indicating where the situation actually occurs and to what extent it affects the culture of host nations. “In this regard, Gerbner and Gross’s (1976) cultivation hypothesis offers a valuable framework for studying cultural effects” (Salwen, 1991, p. 34).
Careful analysis will be necessary for intercultural investigations since the central theme of cultivation analysis; that the society as a whole is revealed by and solidified from television programming; comes apart at the seams if the context of the program is clearly outside the context of the viewer. Are viewers in danger of losing their culture to the outside programming influence, or is the source of the outside programming in danger of being stereotyped by the viewing audience? Is the viewing audience likely to become mainstreamed into the world view of the foreign source? Or on the contrary perhaps the viewer might draw only limited conclusions about the foreign source instead. The viewers might form a limited picture of the foreign source since they are unable to form a truly broad picture of the foreign culture without the full spectrum of programming the foreign country might produce but not export. “The application of cultivation analysis to cultural effects studies provides an opportunity to examine whether repeated exposure to television images from core nations cultivates views of one’s own society, another society, or both” (Salwen, 1991, p. 34).
If cultivation effects occur in intercultural contexts, cultural imperialism as a result of international television flows is almost a certainty. Whether the cultivation effects result in stereotypes of the foreign source or mainstreaming of the host culture toward the world view of the program exporter, the opportunities for changes in world view are quite real. Hur recommends work by Nordenstreng and Schiller (1979) and work by Katz and Wedell (1979) as illustrative of the argument over whether global television flow is the product of audience demands or due “to the international television marketing structure dominated by developed nations” (Hur, 1982, p. 544). Hardt quotes an early Economist article from 1948 that characterizes the U.S. position:
The article revealed that “It was the impression of most
delegates that the Americans wanted to secure for their news agencies the
general freedom of the market” and suggested that they regard freedom of
information as an extension of the charter of the International Trade Organization
rather than as a special and important subject of its own. And the stern
opposition which they offered to Indian and Chinese efforts to protect
infant national news agencies confirmed this impression. (Hardt, 1988,
p. 133)
This bias toward a “free flow of information” was not
only based on access to news, but access to markets. Since the U.S. mass
media system was the most prolific of all the nations, and has stayed that
way, access to markets was necessary for financial success of those U.S.
media giants.
In order to rectify these biases, Schnitman in 1981 deals with the notion of cultural imperialism or media imperialism, noting recent suggestions of “policy solutions calling for the ‘the new world information order,’ for actual introduction of protective measures against economic domination and cultural homogenization (Katz and Wedell, 1979; Schnitman, 1981), and for research direction linking communication aspects to economic aspects (Jussawalla, 1979)” (Hur, 1982 p. 545). These political and research efforts might help to alleviate historical bias towards western media. This bias, in the words of Hardt, influenced early work by U.S. dominated international research organizations and “. . . revealed not only political faith in an ethnocentric [western focused] perspective on the workings of media systems in other parts of the world, but its heavy dependence on English language sources also exposed a lack of linguistic and cultural knowledge. During these years, the use of secondary literature often dominated over original or native sources of information. Consequently, Anglo-American sources helped form the basis for an analysis of all types of foreign media and their political contexts” (Hardt, 1988, p.134). These Anglo-American sources of information on foreign cultures cannot help but be biased toward the U.S. free market approach.
This parallels and resonates with Gerbner’s assertion that television is far more than just entertainment. The Western distinctions between information, education and entertainment discussed by Katz do not occur to Gerbner. Cultivation analysis theory according to Gerbner argues that there is truly no distinction at all. All programming is enculturating. Katz makes a strong argument based on the instinctive responses of many governments to television that intercultural cultivation is a fact and a factor in the post-modern world.
Gerbner, Gross, Jackson-Beeck, et al. espouse a lack of distinction between programming types when they decide to look at all programming, not just dramatic or educational programming, to understand the cultivation effect. Their arguments in 1977 made it clear that they felt CBS was wrong in trying to eliminate comic, natural, or accidental violence from the violence profile accounting. Gerbner, Gross, Jackson-Beeck, et al. argue in synchronization with Katz that regardless of venue, the content of television has enculturating effects. This key point seems to cross cultures instinctively. Decision makers in many countries have taken it as intuitively obvious that comedy can cultivate feelings in the viewer just as well as drama can. The issue is cultural content. The nature of the programming is not germane to whether or not the cultivation effect occurs, only that specific effects may be tied to specific genre (see Ruben, Perse, and Taylor). This instinctive understanding of the unique nature of television accounts, at least in part, for the implicit and explicit regulation of foreign programming by many countries today.
Ruben, Perse, and Taylor found that amount of viewing did not, by itself, predict attitudinal differences. They found that viewers choosing to watch daytime serials and evening dramas were less likely to have faith in others. Those that chose to watch action / adventures, daytime serials, and evening dramas were likely to feel less in control of their lives. Those that chose to watch evening drama were less likely to feel politically powerful. Those that chose to watch action / adventure shows were less likely to feel safe. Those that chose to watch news shows were more likely to feel politically powerful. This argues for cultivation by choice, not by chance. The shows seem to matter individually, not necessarily in aggregate. These findings further illustrate the necessity of analyzing international and intercultural contexts carefully. It is not sufficient to simply find out how much television, or other media, is used. The researcher must investigate what types of programs are watched.
The Ruben, Perse, and Taylor study also opens doors to other kinds of cultivation effects. “. . . the results suggest it is fallacious to believe that television viewing can have only negative effects” (Ruben, Perse, and Taylor, p. 125). Positive feelings can result from television viewing, and those types of effects should be included in future cultivation analysis research. In addition, the study indicates that what people choose to watch has more to do with their attitudes than how much they watch. This argues for a uses, gratifications, and effects model. This tends to supplant the traditional cultivation model that was insensitive to program genre with a model that takes program genre into account.
No matter what model of cultivation is used, the concept of foreign media imposing a foreign imported culture upon a developing country must be considered. An appreciation for the possible effects of cultivation on national development allows those responsible for developmental communication to regulate or limit foreign media with good reason.
Problems of sustainability and lack of political will conspired to reverse efforts to turn media outlets over to the people of Peru. Prior to military takeover in 1968, media channels were owned by wealthy merchant and industrialist families in Peru. These wealthy families received aid and programming from America. Advertising was based on the capitalistic western model so prevalent in America. This was obviously intended to promote consumerism in Peru. This self serving alliance was broken by the military takeover in 1968. At that time media ownership and control in Peru was transferred to the government.
The military leadership passed decrees “enacted largely because the military leaders believed that reduction of dependence on foreign communication imports and foreign communication enterprises would result in a significant increase in citizen participation” (Atwood & Mattos, 1982, p. 37-38). The military leadership also passed a law that “stipulated that telecommunications services were to operate in the service of the socioeconomic development of the country” (ibid. p. 38). These laws actually resulted in very little change to Peruvian media, largely because the local media facilities were not adequate to meet the needs of local media production. This lack of sustainability eventually resulted in returning the media ownership to the wealthy families, but with strict control on content. “This regulatory system resulted in reduced advertising time allocated by broadcast media, and increased citizen exposure to cultural, educational, and discussion programming. This national approach to reducing dependence on the importation of foreign media software and technology also stimulated the growth of print and broadcast production facilities” (ibid. p. 41). This approach reinforces the need for sustainability in any development endeavor and reveals an underlying principal that government controls of some kind are necessary to ensure mass media is used properly in developing countries.
The important concern of preservation of authentic cultures in the face of modernization is addressed by Katz asking: “Cannot broadcasting give voice to culturally authentic forms of expression? Looking at the screen or listening to the radio, it certainly seems as if they cannot. But let us permit ourselves, at least, to ask the question” (Katz, 1977, p. 114). Surely indigenous programming would have the opportunity to result in mainstreaming of the audience in concert with the traditional aspects of the culture, but whether this cultivation phenomenon is applicable or even occurs in all cultures is still in question. Katz suggests that traditional content could have a place in mass media. The extension that cultivation of the historical culture would occur has not been proven or even tried, but seems to be one hope of preserving authentic cultures through modern means. Shija’s recommended use of modern methods provides one possible path.
Shija advocates the use of video tape and video dissemination to document authentic cultures in Africa and elsewhere. “The more a culture strives to adopt new ways of maintaining itself, the more the members are likely to understand others while maintaining their culture (Samovar and Porter, 1985)” (Shija, 1988, p. 24). This argument for authentic programming using inexpensive techniques is expected to provide resources that a less wealthy nation could use on a fairly large scale to promote their traditional culture. “Modern but moderate communication technologies such as the video system may be used to counter foreign, negative media messages by promoting the indigenous but positive cultural images such as those in Africa” (Shija, 1988, p. 24). This would provide historical and traditional themes for the use of the indigenous people and foreign markets alike. Without authentic historical and traditional themes, some audiences will just avoid mass media altogether, as the Treaty Indians of Saskatchewan have done to a limited extent (Demay, 1991). By including authentic traditional themes otherwise marginalized viewers could share their culture with others while participating more fully in their heritage through modern technology.
The opportunity to resonate with historical themes does not guarantee enculturation of traditional values, but the lack of documented evidence that traditional programming could result in preservation of traditional culture has not prevented the widespread adoption of the basic tenets of cultivation analysis theory by many countries. Their attempts to spread the traditional cultures using modern means may not provide for the use of traditional media channels, but it does serve as a way to document the traditional culture for posterity if nothing else.
The structural conditions proposed by Schement, Gonzalez, Lum, and Valencia include an audience, available technology, financial and political support for the flow of television programs, and nonobstructive legal climates in both nations. The catalytic conditions are expected to occur at two stages, the awareness and decision stage where television flows originate and the organizing stage where the flow logistics are allocated resources to physically accomplish the transfer. The resources include capital, infrastructure, technology, and of course, an inventory of television programs.
The advantage of this “middle-range” paradigm model is clear from the application to flows in any direction where the structural and catalytic conditions occur. Schement, Gonzalez, Lum, and Valencia document the successful implementation of the Spanish International Network in America as one example that would not fit either the free flow paradigm or the American hegemony paradigm. The Spanish International Network (SIN) does fit the middle ground model quite well for once the structural and catalytic conditions were in place, the SIN flow from Mexican stations to America happened successfully.
Granzberg et al. found that “For the Saulteaux and Cree, the failure to distinguish between real events and fictional ones on television is a pervasive phenomenon” (1977, p. 155). For this reason the Cree would imbue the programming with importance that went beyond the dramatic nature intended by the producers. This led to many elders speaking out against television for children. It seemed that the elders felt that the shaman in the shaking tent ceremony could deal with the spirits in the tent from a position of strength and experience, but children could not deal with the spirits in the television in the same strong way. For this reason many elders felt that children should be shielded from the spirits portrayed on television. This was exacerbated by the very nature of television since:
It seems that today many Cree feel that TV, with its sex and violence (two things abhorred if observed in public), is like an evil spirit that is capable of producing nightmares and possessing the bodies of children to make them act badly. This would explain why some Cree refuse to have TV in their homes or feel it necessary to destroy a newly bought TV, and why others refuse to allow their children to watch scary programs. Significantly, as we have noted earlier, these are usually the people who are the most traditional in Cree society. (Granzberg et al., 1977, p. 157)
This response of the Cree seems to be avoidance based upon reluctance to turn their children over to malevolent spirit influences. This is certainly far different from the entertainment function usually given to television. This does seem consistent with Gerbner’s view of television as being able to enculturate the viewer with a different world view. Gerbner’s view is not too far removed from the Cree expectation that television could change the behavior of children through its influence.
In addition to avoidance, the Cree seem to be “very susceptible to TV, to take it literally and seriously, to idolize the superhero characters, to read special messages into it concerning behavior requirements, and to be especially concerned about its potential harm to children” (Granzberg et al., 1977, p. 157). This would argue for a culture specific approach to cultivation analysis studying the effects of television on intercultural audiences. Rubin, Perse, and Taylor note that “Perceived realism is an important ingredient in cultivation (Perse, 1986; Potter, 1986; Slater, & Elliot, 1982). When viewers perceive television to represent reality accurately, they are more likely to be influenced” (Rubin, et al., 1988). Since the Cree were likely to believe television as a depiction of reality, they should have been especially susceptible to cultivation effects.
Granzberg, et al. conclude by observing:
The experience in the Philippines parallels experiences in Australia. In the Philippines traditional values may have been supplanted by a non-traditional emphasis on pleasure as the result of cultivation effects. Studies show positive correlations between heavy viewing of American television and these non-traditional values in high school students. This should be marked as another instance of the cultivation effect in an intercultural context. Philippine high school students adopted American values more often when they viewed more American television.
These findings are the counter point to Australian experiences where the Australian children showed cultivation effects that influenced their perception of their own home country based on the foreign influence of American television programming. The Thai university students instead formed stereotypical images of Americans as a cultivation effect. “It is clear from this analysis that television is the major source of social stereo-types of Americans among our Thai sample” (Tan and Suarchavarat, 1988, p. 652).
Tan and Suarchavarat also note that the Thai people were mainstreamed towards Chinese and Japanese culture, but not toward American culture. The cultural differences between Thailand and America were perhaps too great to bridge. Where the Australians were able to ignore the accents and wrong way drivers of American television programs, the Thai students were not able to see themselves in American programs. This might be due to physical differences, language barriers, high-context versus low-context cultures, or perhaps the themes used in American television programs are just so far from the experiences of Thai people that all credibility for application to Thailand was lost. The Thai studies are an important data set. The intercultural mass communication of American television programming in Thailand resulted in stereotypes of Americans, not changes in the world view of the Thai viewers.
This experience in Thailand is reminiscent of “similar studies in Taiwan, Mexico and the Philippines, that foreign audiences accept the characterizations of Americans as portrayed in specific American television programs that they watch frequently” (Tan and Suarchavarat, 1988, p. 654). This indicates that not only Asian people, but North Americans also, at least in Mexico, have cultivated stereotypes of Americans as a result of their watching American television programs. This could be seen as a form of mainstreaming since it would tend to give similar stereotypes of American culture to heavy viewers in Taiwan, Mexico, the Philippines, and of course Thailand. As Tan and Suarchavarat point out “Our study provides evidence that American television is a major source of social stereotypes of Americans held by Thai students. Frequency of viewing American television predicted 24 adjective ratings of Americans, while respondent’s income, the next most frequent predictor, was significantly related to only 9 adjective ratings” (1988, p. 654).
Some countries have employed public relations firms to help improve their negative images. Albritton and Manheim investigated improved images of Argentina, Indonesia, Korea, the Philippines, and Turkey following their hiring U.S. public relations consultants. This attempt to counter bad publicity could be in response to negative images formulated by media exposure. This effort was “a concerted program to overcome what they perceived to be the informational colonialism of the industrialized nations” Albritton and Manheim, 1985). These media consultants may have even influenced governmental policy with the intention of improving their image in the United States. This use of media consultants was part of what has been called “the New World Information Order” intended to counteract two principal concerns for developing nations:
The first of these dimensions, the technological, encompasses a concern that the sovereignty of Third World nations is threatened or subverted through the control exercised by the industrialized nations over the development, allocation, and use of telecommunications technology. The second, dealing with news flows and media operations, emphasizes software -- what messages are conveyed and the process by which they are carried. Third world countries worry that they lack control over in-flows of information (news of the outside world, especially the selection of which stories and which aspects of those stories are salient), and all variety of entertainment media. (Albritton and Manheim, 1985, p. 43).
These efforts to reach a “New World Information Order” were in response to cultural and technological media imperialism. If cultivation effects are possible, the inequities discussed above could certainly result in improper images of these developing nations. By using media consultants, they hoped to tip the scales in their favor. Albritton and Manheim found positive image changes following the hiring of these consultants.
However, if information is conceived of as something people create from their message environment and put to use in ways they find most appropriate, then the focus of media reform strategies must shift from message senders to message receivers. Such a shift allows one to envision alternative media reform strategies designed to create receiver-based communication systems.
This vision of developmental communication, free from dependence upon foreign support and driven by the users, could serve as a way out of the cultivation trap. This is an alternative to foreign media and does not promote cultural imperialism. This vision of audience driven mass media does not encourage inappropriate consumerism or financial and political special interests. Mass media directed by the common people could serve as a positive model for true developmental communication. By allowing the common people to derive and to drive their own media agenda, (with government controls to ensure it doesn’t get sidetracked), national development might be facilitated and enhanced.
Atwood and Mattos proposed a sustainable local control methodology, with more reliance upon audience needs and less reliance on a top-down approach to developmental communication. When they argue that “Mass communication systems designed to promote national development should not only be responsive to citizen information needs and uses but should, in fact, be based on such needs and uses” (1982, p. 34) they set the stage for a dramatic shift in mass media direction. In their vision, mass media would no longer be controlled from the top down. Top down approaches are destined to face difficulties because even the wisest developing government cannot know everything on the minds of all the people all the time. The proposal by Atwood and Mattos to establish audience guided mass media is similar to successful developmental communication on Jordanian radio called “Direct Broadcasting (DB)” (Ayish, 1990).
Ayish described the Jordanian Direct Broadcasting format as having several key factors of interest. Among them were:
This daily call in program format used in Jordan allows common people with access to telephones to ask questions of governmental officials, knowledgeable persons, and other callers. This program format is one answer to the issue of lack of access to media channels for the common people. Ayish points out that recently “vast changes have placed channels of communication in the hands of few individuals, groups, corporations or institutions. Opponents of this control argue that such a situation has led to the homogenization of cultures and the curtailment of public debates, . . . " (Ayish, 1990, p. 175). It can surely be seen that limiting control to a few cannot truly incorporate the pressing needs of many common people in developing contexts.
As an alternative to homogenization, the Direct Broadcasting (DB) program format was established in Jordan in about 1973. Ayish explains that “the program was intended to promote the spirit of debate and to serve as a public discussion link between officials and citizens” (ibid. p. 176). This format has been very successful and allows common people to interact with government officials on a regular basis. A content analysis performed by Ayish determined that developmental topics occurred 74.4% of the time during calls in a one week period of study. This illustrates the value of this genre for developmental communication.
Other types of participatory mass media formats might also be considered. Call in programs using television might be an option, but since television is more expensive and shorter in range, the radio format in Jordan is very attractive. Public access television channels are also a possibility, but the amount of technical knowledge needed to produce a television show is likely to be daunting to common people in developing countries. Even telephone access might be problematic in many areas, but the likelihood of telephone familiarity and comfort is far higher than the likelihood of video technician status for common people anywhere. It appears that the Jordanian radio network may have hit upon a winning combination. The acceptance by the people of Jordan certainly would attest to that fact.
These types of participatory communication, directed by the common people, can help to bring developmental communication to the rural people of a country. Much like traditional communication methods, telephones are becoming commonplace and available almost anywhere. The call-in format might allow the most rural people to converse with the urban government regarding developmental topics. This sort of dialogue could improve developmental communication and counter the dominance of media channels by western programming imports. This would certainly help avoid cultivation effects as well.
An alternative to imported media might be local programming with traditional themes or local participation. By removing dependence upon foreign sources the developing country is more likely to sustain their own media efforts. Some amount of governmental control is necessary to avoid western media dominance and cultural media hegemony. With cautious introduction of limited amounts of modern media, stressing local audience needs, developing countries can chart their own course into the technological future.
This is the recommendation of this paper. Local control
of mass media, with governmental oversight to ensure proper use can help
meet the needs of common people in developing countries. Media efforts
must be sustainable by local resources and must not depend upon foreign
programming that can lead to cultivation of a foreign world view. Through
these efforts developing nations can move away from dependency toward their
own future.
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